Marvin Harris (cultural anthropologist, founder of cultural materialism)
(credit: Jennifer Tanabe, via newworldencyclopedia.org)
Chapter 1. (continued)
Unfortunately,
many anthropologists in the world right now adamantly assert that nomothetic
statements about societies can’t be made; a few go so far as to claim that even
trying to make such statements is morally wrong. All humans, they say, come
from traditions of thinking, every tradition just as inherently biased as any
of the others. Since no one can get outside of the model of thinking their
society instilled in them, no thinker can presume to view the customs of any
society – their own or any other – objectively. We’re all locked irretrievably inside
our prejudices. Therefore, any attempt by European-style thinkers to analyze
the cultures of other societies via the thinking mode we call “science” is just
Euro-styled bullying. It is immoral. This view is called moral relativism
and is often seen as a component of the philosophical view called postmodernism.
For
the purposes of this essay, I am going to ignore postmodernist claims. It seems
to me that the scientific method is the way out of their blind alley. Some
models of reality can be tested in reality. Then, sometimes the data confirm
the model, thus pointing us toward subtler research and more effective cultures
and technologies. So science advances. On the other hand, it seems to me that
under their own terms, postmodernists aren’t qualified to say anything about
anything. If every viewpoint is inescapably, hopelessly biased, then so is
theirs.
The
main alternative to moral relativism/postmodernism in Anthropology, looks for
laws under which all human societies operate. Most of its adherents today call
this theory cultural materialism.
This
theory was first developed by Marvin Harris. In his view, anthropologists should
formulate and test hypotheses about how cultures arise, function, and change as
they struggle to survive in their environments.
In
other words, what cultural materialists study is how morés and customs connect a
tribe to its environment. Under this model, we can study why modern humans think
and act using the concepts, models, and morés that they do. Why is my life, or
your life, the way that it is?
This
line of reasoning brings us to re-state the first morally relevant principle we
can draw from social science: the morés of a tribe all influence how members of
that tribe act toward other entities in their environment – inorganic objects, other
life forms, other tribes, and fellow tribe members. These patterns of action either
enhance or reduce a tribe’s odds of surviving. Then, the overall most vigorous
tribe in each region gains control over the area.
For
example, what survival edge is gained by a people who come to believe that
every tribe member should bury their feces? Tribe members’ beliefs may tell
them that they must keep their feces from being found by their enemies as those
enemies might use it to cast an evil spell on them. But what is really going on
here? Knowing germ theory enables cultural materialists to show that burying excrement
lowers the tribe’s odds of getting typhus and other diseases spread by feces. A
tribe that teaches all members to bury their feces outbreeds and soon
outnumbers rival tribes. With numbers, it wins control of the area.
This
is an example of how cultural materialist thinking works. It studies data
observed in the community life of real tribes just living their lives. It seeks
to identify cause-effect relationships in the lives of real societies
interfacing with reality. It's also worth noting here that the tribe in
question may know nothing of germ theory. But they avoid typhus and cholera
epidemics just the same. Cultural materialism records the explanations that a
tribe gives for its actions, but it focuses its attention most closely on morés
and customs associated with them: the physical world mechanisms by which those morés/customs
work.
Some
customs in some societies might seem at first contact to have little or no impact
on that society’s survival odds, but cultural materialists believe that this is
hardly ever the case. Customs come from forebears, and those forebears adhered
to their customs for what turn out to be sensible, material reasons.
Thus,
we can reiterate this first large principle from social science: the morés and
customs of a tribe connect to its survival. They are not random; they arise out
of the tribe’s past experiences and experiments, and they heavily affect the tribe’s
long-term survival odds. They also can be subjects of a scientific study of
culture because they are testable.
transmitting culture: Idris Shah telling a story to his children
(credit: Secretum Mundi, via Wikimedia Commons)
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