Chapter 2 The Moral Emptiness of
Science
William Butler Yeats (credit: Wikimedia Commons)
Things fall apart; the centre
cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the
world,
The blood-dimmed tide is
loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is
drowned;
The best lack all conviction,
while the worst
Are full of passionate
intensity.
—from “The Second Coming” by
W.B. Yeats, 1919
In the West, when our idea of
God began to erode, so did our ideas of right and wrong, and when those ideas
began to erode, we became the society that Yeats described in his great poem
“The Second Coming”. We live in a time in which some truly immoral citizens are
filled with “passionate intensity”. Fraudsters claim they are daring entrepreneurs;
Mafia thugs claim that they are soldiers in one more kind of war; warmonger
generals tout their own indispensability. In short, these people see themselves
as moral, even heroic.
In the meantime, some of what
should be society’s most moral citizens “lack all conviction.” For example, it
would seem logical that people looking for moral direction in the
Science-driven countries of the West would turn to their gurus, i.e.
scientists. Especially scientists who study human societies and their moral
beliefs. In the West, these experts are our anthropologists and sociologists.
Trained to make astute, Science-based judgments about human societies and their
“ways of life”, social scientists should be our most morally gifted citizens.
But social scientists in the
West have no moral directions to offer the rest of us. In their writings, they
flatly deny that moral values refer to anything real at all. As I noted in our
previous chapter, American anthropologist Ruth Benedict put it succinctly:
“Morality differs in every society and is a convenient term for socially
approved habits.” 1 Thus, as moral guides, Science and
scientists (social scientists, in particular) appear to be pretty close to
useless.
How can this be? Ordinary
people in societies and tribes all over the world, when they are asked to
explain their actions, answer by giving the moral codes they learned in their
childhoods. It seems clear then that Social Science ought to be studying those
moral codes if it wants to explain why people in tribes and societies do the
things they do. But in response to questions about what moral codes are, and
how they relate to humans’ actions, social scientists say that moral codes have
no basis in the real world. Moral claims are just expressions of tastes, like a
preference for one brand of ice cream over its competitors. Statements about
“right” and “wrong” are just ways of venting emotion. Right and wrong
are empty concepts, unrelated to the observable facts of Science. These experts
then go so far as to challenge their opponents to prove otherwise.
Many even go over to the
offence and ask what it is that all Science is seeking. Are scientists seeking perfect
truth about reality? That, by pure logic, is unattainable. But, if not truth,
sociologists ask, then what is Science seeking?
Thomas Kuhn’s The
Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962) is arguably the most
influential work on this topic. In it, he casts a dark shadow over
Science’s view of itself. He argues that all branches of Science move
forward via processes that are not rational. The scientific method is driven not
by logic, which can be very clearly defined, but by intuition, which long has
been a nebulous concept. Science does not progress by a controlled march of
improving knowledge. Instead it moves from less useful pictures of reality to
more useful ones by unpredictable leaps that he calls paradigm shifts.
A paradigm shift occurs in a
branch of Science when many individuals in that branch, separately, each have a
moment of insight and then experience a leap of understanding so profound that
it makes them literally see reality in a new way. The insight for most of them
will have been triggered by things they have read by some fellow scientist. But
they cannot tell you after their cognitive leap has occurred exactly how it
happened and how they then came to grasp this new picture of the world.
Scientists who grasp a paradigm
shift do indeed come to “see” the world in a new way; their minds are
reprogrammed to see different patterns in the details around them. That’s how
profoundly the new model, once they learn it, affects them. Each scientist who
“gets it” experiences a kind of “conversion” that steers her into a new way of
seeing reality and into a community of fellow believers.
In all branches of Science,
Kuhn claims, old ways of thinking are dropped and new models become accepted
ones via this process that appears to be driven at least as much by
non-rational mental leaps as by rational steps like hypothesize, test, and repeat.
The modes of thinking that enable Science to evolve run deeper than reasoning
and evidence can explain. Kuhn gives many examples from the History of Science
to support his case. His work has evoked many responses, pro and con, and there
is no doubt that he has shone a troubling light on the reliability of all of
Science.2 In short, Science is not done “scientifically”.
In the meantime, counterattacks
aimed back at the social sciences are made by critics like philosopher John
Searle. He admires the physical sciences because, he claims, they can be
logically rigorous. Physical sciences, he says, describe their theories and the
studies designed to test them using unambiguous terms. (One calorie heats one
gram of water one Celsius degree.) But the social sciences use terms that are
too vague to support rigorous reasoning. (In Anthropology, what makes a “band”
or a “big man”?) Thus, conclusions reached in social science are not reliable.3 (Critics
of social science are well countered in Harold Kincaid’s Philosophical
Foundations of the Social Sciences.4)
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